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MADAGASCAR,
IVORY COST, HAITI, DRC:
CCA CALL IN FACING THE SAME POLITICAL SYNDROME
by Dr. Mbaya Kankwenda
Events that have been happening in Congo (the one claiming
to be democratic) for the last three years, and most particularly
since the preparation and the organization of the constitutional
referendum recall to our mind one of the famous thoughts of
the national hero P.E. Lumumba. He said indeed that Congo
independence however valiantly conquered, seemed to have put
the country in a kind of cage where those who put it there
sometimes look at Congo with arrogance and contempt, sometimes
with commiseration, and condescension. The political re-colonization
of such a large country in the center of the continent, through
an international trusteeship led by the CIAT, but actually
directed by some Western countries under cover of the MONUC
and the EU, and especially with an accomplice and resigning
silence of the African Union, is the central fact and the
political stake of these events.
It is known that the immense wealth of this large country,
its geopolitical position in the center of the continent,
as well as the external powers, multinational companies and
commercial criminal networks’ game, are at the center
of the fights and cabals orchestrated by the latter, against
the independence and the dignity of the Congolese people,
and thus against the establishment of a true democracy in
Congo. But they are not the only ones responsible for what
is happening in the country. Mabika Kalanda said that one
colonizes only those who are “colonizable”, and
he was right. Congo of today is “colonizable”
because although knowing that with its enormous economic potentials,
the country is likely to enticing many international predators,
within the framework of the international predatory system
(ISP), its leadership lacked nationalist force for a patriotic
union to defend the interests of the country and the people.
The said leadership accepted to be colonized, and embarked
on or was put in the external forces vans, believing to benefit
from their protection and their legitimacy.
Since then constitutional manipulations, violations of the
transition constitutional provisions and the "legal"
provisions of the Sun City Agreement in South Africa, frauds,
cheatings and other obvious irregularities, be they at the
level of the constitutional referendum or especially at the
level of the elections themselves, exclusions of the true
democratic forces, assassinations, imprisonments, intimidations
of the people and the organized popular forces, handling and
misinformation of the opinion, the utilization of the international
media to prepare the opinion to accept the accomplished fact
as desired by the forces that decided to put Congo and Congolese
people in a cage and re-colonize the country, as well as the
instrumentalization of democratic transition civil society
institutions (CEI, HAM, etc), all that is not any more of
the masked play. If some times back these masks were opaque,
they became increasingly transparent, and today they openly
fell. The game is known. Its orchestration is known. Its results
as wanted by the game masters are known. Nobody is duped any
more.
Today Congolese people are facing or confronting an international
coalition for Congo re-colonization, which found, or better
which fabricated and bought those who from within the country,
will play the role in the indirect rule of the new institutional
arrangement: setting out a cage and re-colonization of Congo.
After the failure of the diabolic initial attempts at "yougoslavization"
and later on of "somalization" of Congo, for better
colonizing and sharing the seizure and the exploitation of
the resources of the country, the IPS which seems to play
the acceptance of this result, did not completely give up
its project. I must affirm that the aforementioned attempts
failed thanks to the vigilance of our valiant people more
than of their leaders in power or competing to be there.
1. Devices for political intimidation and pressure on the
popular conscience
The international coalition which carries out the political
game in DRC is facing a remarkable vigilance from the people
and certain political parties, in particular since the machination
and its actors’ masks fell. It then decided to use other
arguments to intimidate the people and their democratic forces.
These arguments are inter alia the following:
(i) A reinforced military presence - almost twenty thousands
troops (MONUC and EU combined) working together with Government
political repression militias and so-called security forces
-, not to ensure the security of the elections as preached,
- the Congolese people have demonstrated that they didn’t
need any -, not to ensure the security of the people themselves,
as it is the case for the populations who need such a security
in Ituri, North Kivu, South Kivu and East of Katanga in particular,
but rather to terrorize these people and their political organizations,
if it happens to them to refuse to accept the strategy (of
some powers of the international community) for re-colonization
of Congo and putting it in a cage. Congolese people know and
say indeed that the time of the colonial "kapitas"
appointed through one does not know which faked operation,
or appointed by any authoritarian ruler is finished. That
explains the deployment of these international forces, and
particularly the EOFOR in some neuralgic places that are most
likely to violently oppose the orchestration of the new era
of “kapitas” and indirect rule. In fact which
elections does one try to make safe in Kasaï in the aftermath
of elections, if not the imposition of the verdict not of
the ballot boxes, but that of the setters out of the cage
for Congo?
(ii) Consistent attempts to demonize certain political forces
and their leaders, to exclude them from the democratic process,
to splash if not blacken their image and their nationalism,
etc. The UDPS and Tshisekedi are presented like eternal turned
sour ambitious, the rigid ones, not strategists and without
spirit of collaboration and political realism, etc, because
of their firmness on the principles of true democracy and
rule of law. Bemba which seems to be profiled like an important
emerging leader on the national political theater, and this
is happening with a surprising effect for the Masters of the
electoral machination, is always presented as "the former
rebel" who committed unnamable crimes, whereas all of
them from the “presidential space” currently competing
for elective political positions are "former rebels".
But the term is reserved for certain and not for others. Moreover,
the threats of the international court weigh on him as a way
of intimidation, whereas in fact, when it comes to war crimes,
crimes against humanity and crimes of genocide, all presidential
space is supposed guilty and must answer of the same crimes.
(iii) Persistent attempts for corruption and laying off of
the political leaders who would agree to play the game. That
started with Olivier Kamitatu whom one made believe that he
had a political future if he could detach himself from his
group, and join the other camp for which the international
community was preparing the “prestigious position”
of new recognized "kapitas" and or "medal-holder
chief" of the neo-colony. And that continued with many
other leaders. The idea that the after-election will be like
the before-election, to make people and leaders accept that
the wining majority should not be the only one in control
of state power, but rather that it must arrange for power
sharing with envisaged loosing belligerents such as RCD and
MLC in particular. This idea is part of the orchestrated game,
and is part of the setting out of Congolese cage and political
corruption. It consists in sparing certain forces which one
knows or suspects the capacity of harmful effect, but also
in intimidating them so that they agree to enter the pre and
post-electoral game, but without too much claim. It also consists
in finding places for the "good children" called
to play the new part of "kapita" or "medal-holder
chief" in the process of staging the international trusteeship
of the country.
(iv) The refusal to Congolese medias, political parties Heads
Quarters and staffs, and finally to Congolese people as a
whole, the right to make the legitimate addition of the results
of the elections already posted by some electoral offices.
This other operation for intimidation and setting out of cage
comes not only from the government, but especially from the
CIAT, the official authority of the neo-colony, and chief
guarantor of the results of the electoral machination. Whereas
certain embassies announce like Louis Michel in Belgium the
“real” or desired result of the process as orchestrated
by the IPS, and do it also through loudspeakers of the Western
press to prepare the international opinion, whereas silence
is made on the serious irregularities denounced by the democratic
forces, certain political parties, and even by certain credible
international observers, one wants to close the mouth of Congolese
people and their medias, denying them a legitimate right,
that the West takes over on itself.
(v) The spectrum of the partition of the country between East
and West. One widely diffuses that the East of the country
may have massively voted for president Kabila, while the West
of the country may have massively voted for the vice-president
Bemba, and that this devotes the political risk of the partition
or even the political implosion of Congo between East and
West. I must say at onset that in spite of its internal divergences
on the subject, the West does not really and totally reject
the bursting of the country. It is one of its strategies,
as indicated above. Then, if Lower-Congo, Kinshasa, Bandundu
and Ecuador provinces can be considered as constituting the
West of Congo, and that the Eastern Province, the two Kivus
and Maniema constitute the East of DRC, the situation is not
the same when it comes to Katanga province, divided between
Tanganyika and a part of the North which are in the East,
and Lualaba for example which is in the West. But more important
is the situation of the Great Kasaï which, in this case,
is neither in the East, nor in the West, but indeed in the
Center of the country. And it is said that it would have voted
for Bemba. The result is that the latter would be "massively"
elected in the West and the Center of the country. What would
obstruct even more the West staged game. Where are the division
and the risk of East-West bursting then? Is it just a Western
handling? A scarecrow to intimidate and make pressure for
the type of artificial alliances that the international community
does prepare and cook in case the imposition of pre-selected
medal-holder chief does not succeed? Actually and although
it has been instrumentalized throughout the Congolese political
history, Kasayi is in Congo what the latter is in Central
Africa and even in Africa as a whole. Its current political
weakness, which is also at the center stage of the political
weakness of Congo itself, does not constitute a factor which
makes it that one can as one wants, align it in the East or
in the West of the country, at the contrary of what it is
both politically and/or geographically. One often hear people
in Africa saying that "When Congo politically wakes up,
then Africa….". But on the same vein one can say
at national level that "When Kasayi politically wakes
up in Congo, then Congo…".
(vi) The accusation against Congolese peoples and some of
their political forces to nourish a political feeling of xenophobia.
At the onset one must say that this accusation from the international
community and its medias is a recognition that there are indeed
non Congolese citizens in the race for power in Congo. And
as it is often them – the non Congolese citizen - that
the West backs like one does it in a horse-race, the Congolese
people refusal to accept being led by non Congolese or foreigner
leaders disturbs Western and the famous international community
handlings. And one knows that never Belgians would accept
that the Walloon Region be politically run by a Flemish President
and vice versa. In the same way no German would accept that
a French citizen becomes a German chancellor, etc. Not by
xenophobia, but by legitimate feeling of national pride, because
that is a constitutional law internationally recognized in
all the countries. Why does one want to deny it to Congolese?
The refusal is indeed a confession from the international
community that its choice and backing go on foreign horses,
and that the ongoing staging is truly a project of re-colonization
of the country. Then it is for them, necessary to give a guilty
conscience to the Congolese peoples and to accuse some of
their political chiefs of xenophobia.
2. Political consequences for the game in progress
and the future of Congo
As I said it, the masks fell and the face to face is obvious
and inevitable, even if the West thinks of wining it by ways
of Kalashnikov, money and other similar handlings. But what
is true is that these operations have had certain political
consequences which have an impact on the current situation,
its immediate prospects, and the future of the country. Those
are in particular:
(i) The rise of the political conscience of the Congolese
people, masses democratic organizations and their political
forces for change, thus allowing on the one hand, to resist
the political handlings by the West through its so-called
international community, and on the other hand, to constrain
the latter to make fall its masks;
(ii) The toughening of the Congolese nationalism and sense
of patriotism in an increasing movement, which worries the
West, and constrains it to openly play its true game, thus
refusing to lose the face and engaging itself in defending
its image in a stubborn way, against the main direction of
the political events;
(iii) The bi-polarization of the political choice when it
comes to presidential candidates. So if today Kabila and Bemba
are the two leaders who forcefully come out of the presidential
poll, it is because of the Western game in what actually was
an electoral travesty, and not a sovereign choice. The people
were put in front of a choice that was not foreseen by the
West: choosing between the corruption vote supported by the
West and the sanction vote or reaction to the West.
(iv) In front of such an alternative, they are not the political
ideologies and programs that guided the choice of the people,
but rather a choice of individuals on the ground of certain
immediate stakes: sense of nationalism, national dignity,
peace and security, refusal of the re-colonization by foreigners
and outsiders in general, determination to get rid of the
West and its pre-selected new “kapitas” and medal-holders
chiefs, etc.
(v) As in their strategies, the West and its local instruments
such as the Government and the IEC, did not want at all to
consider the organization of a second turn of the presidential
elections, hoping to achieve their goal even before the end
of the first part of the staged electoral political game,
the people and the staffs of the informed political parties
remained vigilant and directly made the additions of the known
results of the ballots boxes, like one does it everywhere
in the world. The vigilance which consisted in making these
results known, and at the disposal of the public opinion,
makes it possible to prevent the handling and frauds by the
international community, through its electoral instrument,
which is the IEC. The said vigilance seriously disturbed the
international community orchestration of the political game,
because the latter feels now driven back to recognize the
need for a second turn which it still does not want at all.
The international community is indeed able to foresee the
result of the second turn from the popular reaction and sensitivity,
the political alliance strategies that are going to take shape,
and for the future of its project in Congo. That perspective
explains CIAT attempts to end the electoral travesty by a
verdict arranged in the offices of the MONUC or another CIAT
member, if not in a foreign capital. I must say here that
the West has not given up its idea yet, because one still
seeks by all means, to avoid the second turn, through the
handling of compilations of the ballot boxes results. And
for the sake of the same purpose, the West has decided to
neglect major irregularities as denounced by international
observers and political parties.
(vi) The use of the Belgian spy plane by the EUFOR forces
to facilitate the liquidation of certain forces able to organize
a violent resistance to the faked results of the elections
also caused the installation of counter information or counter
intelligence networks which allowed that this plane be destroyed
before the end of its mission. It is curious and astonishing,
that a mission for so-called elections security brings with
it a spy plane offered by the ex-colonial power of Congo.
(vii) The increased politicization of the populations in provinces’
chief town cities and in particular in Kinshasa, the national
capital. This politicization is so much so that the people
organize themselves out of political party staffs’ instructions
or directives, and develop another emergent popular and uncontrollable
leadership, capable of organizing in an autonomous way, positive
actions for popular resistance, although politically working
as members of the same camp with political forces of the change.
(viii) The rebirth of the popular spirit and vigilance of
the National Sovereign Conference (NSC) period, which made
it that, in front of the terror organized by the "owls"
and other "macoutes uncles", the peoples were organizing
themselves to settle up with those who at the NSC made statements
supporting the dictatorship, and against the forces of the
change. Generally they found their houses "well arranged"
by the popular forces. But today, to the new "owls"
and new "macoutes uncles" have been added the external
forces, be they called MONUC or EUFOR. International public
terrorism came to reinforce national public terrorism. The
vigilance of the people increased by this fact and made popular
NSC spirit even more explosive.
(ix) The increasing popular mistrust with respect to UNO whose
play - in the process of organized trusteeship on Congo, and
in the handling of the electoral fake game -, became obvious,
since the masks fell. In 1960, P.E. Lumumba regretted it for
the remaining of his life when he noticed what the UNO actually
was, in particular through the treason he was victim of. And
he was talking about the UNO as "this international organization
in which we placed all our confidence". Although Congolese
people "were already bitten by this UNO snake",
they continued to trust it, giving it a second chance or occasion,
forty years later. But at least one Congolese, Laurent Kabila,
did not want UNO in Congo at all, following in that the example
of the bitter experiment of 1960, and that of his Rwandan
friends who "do not have any confidence in UNO".
But the veils of UNO fallen, the negative conscience, or is
it rather the hatred of UNO and of its operations, goes up
more and more in DRC. One should remember what happened to
the MONUC at the time of the Bukavu events in 2004, and what
continues to happen to it in certain centers or areas of the
country. The error to have again kept confident on the UNO
is recognized, and that reinforces in Congolese people and
political leadership for the change, the feeling of being
victim of treason, and therefore sourness against the MONUC
and the CIAT.
Conclusion
The recent history gives indications on the immediate or short-term
prospects for the political match that is currently being
played in Congo. The CCA has already had to warn and to alert
the national opinion and especially the international opinion
as well. The same causes often producing the same effects,
political handling of the elections by certain powers under
cover of the famous international community, or by certain
coalitions of external powers, has entrenched among Congolese
people resistance reactions that are sometimes violent, and
sometimes not violent. But they end with the same result:
the fall or the illegitimacy of the reigning power. One day
not in the far future, MONUC and EUFOR will leave the country.
And one should always bear in mind that Congolese people are
like a silent or delayed-action bomb, and one never knows
when it can overflow with violence.
In front of a similar electoral handling and political play
in Madagascar, in Ivory Cost and in Haiti, peoples took on
themselves to resist the external powers game, and to reject
it. One also saw similar political examples in some Eastern
Europe countries, in particular in those of the former Soviet
block. It became a post-electoral political syndrome. This
syndrome, more and more haunts the Congolese people and their
organized political forces. The West has however and in full
awareness of the situation I believe, taken the position to
minimize the said post-electoral political syndrome. But today
it seeks to circumvent it by reinforcing its ongoing game
with other strategic actions, by accommodating certain domestic
forces, and by thwarting if not crushing others which they
do not want to be associated with the setting up of the new
game.
In front of such a political picture, and in view of the needed
effort to save the fatherland in danger of re-colonization
through international community forces game and handling,
the CCA calls upon the Congolese people and their organized
and non organized active forces to:
i. remain always vigilant to thwart the internal and international
cabal, count on themselves and resist any electoral manipulation
and any post-electoral political machination;
ii. put themselves upright and raise the face curved a long
time, to take a beautiful dash in peace,
iii. follow the heroic example of the Malagasy, Ivorian and
Haitian people, not to create a chaos from which the enemy
strategists and evils would profit to back the bursting of
the country, but rather to mobilize a nationalist front against
the invaders and their Machiavellian project.
The CCA also calls upon the Congolese Diasporas in America,
Europe and everywhere in the world, to keep the same vigilance,
and to organize themselves in a coordinated way, in order
to resist the machinations in progress in Congo.
The CCA warns the external powers representatives in DRC,
which are the CIAT, the MONUC, the EU and their occupying
armed forces in Congo, and the international community as
well, against the incalculable consequences of which they
are and will be responsible, because of their re-colonization
politics and their handling of the electoral process in Congo.
The CCA knows that the Congolese people can forgive, but that
they will not be able to forget the makers of the dark years
they have spent for a long time, they still experience today,
and they are at the risk of experiencing again for the forthcoming
years, if the international political handling game is declared
winner at the end of the electoral travesty.
Mbaya KANKWENDA
Coordinator and Spokesman.
E-mail:
congresdescongolais@yahoo.com
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